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				New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies, Volume 4 
				No. 
				2, December 2002 
				Articles 
				 
				
					
				Balinese Music, Tourism and Globalisation 
				HENRY JOHNSON (UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO), pp. 8 - 32 
				 
				Balinese music and cultural tourism are examined in order to 
				illustrate the invented traditions and contexts of performance 
				in Bali, and in terms of the wider influences of globalisation. 
				The first part of the paper explores music and tourism in terms 
				of hotel tourism in Bali. As well as including a documentary of 
				the development of tourism in Bali from the early years of the 
				twentieth century, the study focuses mainly on the rise of mass 
				tourism in the latter part of that century when Balinese culture 
				was adapted and invented specifically for visiting tourists. For 
				the music researcher, these new contexts of performance provide 
				windows into understanding contemporary aspects of Balinese 
				culture. The article also extends the study to include other 
				influences of globalisation with a discussion of locating Bali 
				and Balinese music in the contexts of other cultures. Here, the 
				music researcher is challenged to question where tourism and/or 
				travel is located in connection with music excursions by 
				Balinese and non-Balinese performers and listeners.  
				 
				 
				
				
				Otonomi Daerah: Indonesia's Decentralisation Experiment 
				RICHARD SEYMOUR AND SARAH TURNER (UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO & McGILL 
				UNIVERSITY), pp. 33 - 51 
				 
				This paper draws on recent and ongoing experiences in Indonesia 
				to examine in detail the decentralisation process occurring 
				there. After contextualising the Indonesian case, including a 
				brief outline of the structure of the 1999 Otonomi Daerah 
				(regional autonomy) laws, an analysis of the latter is 
				undertaken. From this, six key problems emerge. These include 
				the inappropriate level of autonomy, a lack of improvement in 
				real fiscal autonomy, and insufficient finance. In addition, 
				resource-rich regions are favoured, a number of 'grey areas' 
				need to be resolved, and the laws have been implemented within 
				an inappropriate time scale, raising questions regarding human 
				resource capabilities. All are complex problems situated within 
				an uncertain political environment, which in turn raises the 
				question of whether Otonomi Daerah is actually working towards 
				effective decentralisation in the Indonesian context. 
				 
				 
				
					
				Neo-Modern Islam in Suharto's Indonesia 
				MALCOLM CONE (UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO), pp. 52 - 67 
				 
				This paper is an investigation of the liberal humanist tradition 
				in Indonesian Islam that, in the period from 1968-1999, enjoyed 
				the support of the New Order Government of Suharto in Indonesia. 
				The paper argues that there was an elective affinity between the 
				objectives of the New Order Government and this liberal humanist 
				tradition, because the defining characteristic of this 
				governmental support was the promotion of a privatised Islam 
				that eschewed political life, concentrating instead on 
				education, ijtihad and ascesis. The field work for this 
				investigation was carried out at the Ciputat campus of the 
				Islamic University in Jakarta and with Indonesian Islamic 
				scholars in Islamic teaching foundations in Jakarta and Bandung. 
				The Islamic scholars in these teaching institutions justified 
				their position in reference to a long liberal humanist tradition 
				in Islamic education in Indonesia. In this they reaffirmed the 
				arguments put forward by Ibn Taymiyya, Al Mawardi and Ibn Kaldun, 
				that there is a necessary separation between Islam as practice, 
				from the oft-repeated call for an Islamic state. 
				 
				 
				
				Aceh: 
				Democratic Times, Authoritarian Solutions 
				ANTHONY SMITH (ASIA PACIFIC CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES), pp. 68 
				- 89 
				 
				The year 2001 has been, so far, the worst year on record for 
				conflict related deaths in Aceh. Despite major democratic 
				changes within Indonesia, Aceh continues to be subject to a 
				military crack-down that is barely distinguishable from the 
				methods employed under the rule of Soeharto. In particular, the 
				Indonesian security forces do not draw clear distinctions 
				between armed insurgents and non-combatant NGO critics of 
				government policy. Both groups have been targeted. This article 
				assesses that the causes of the conflict in Aceh are not simply 
				based on either ethnic or religious difference. On this point, 
				the insurgency in Aceh is very commonly misunderstood‚ both by 
				the Indonesian government and the international media‚ as being 
				somehow Islamic in character. However, the Free Aceh Movement do 
				not resemble an Islamist movement, and instead tend to stress 
				historical and ethnic difference. It is the case, however, that 
				resistance to Indonesian authority has become more and more 
				evident in Aceh only since the 1970s, as a result of massive 
				human rights abuses by the security forces and economic 
				exploitation. By 1999, it seemed that the majority of Acehnese 
				had come to favour independence. Thus the alienation of the 
				Acehnese people is more recent than many have claimed, and much 
				of the blame rests with the security forces "shock therapy" 
				tactics that have slowly, but surely, turned large numbers of 
				Acehnese towards the independence cause ‚ the exact opposite of 
				what the security forces have attempted to achieve. 
				 
				 
				
					
				Papua: Moving Beyond Internal Colonisalism? 
				ANTHONY SMITH AND ANGIE NG (ASIA PACIFIC CENTER FOR SECURITY 
				STUDIES), pp. 90 - 114 
				 
				On 16 August 2001, President Megawati Sukarnoputri made an 
				apology to the Papuan people for the injustices of the past. The 
				recent history of Papua (formerly known as Irian Jaya) has been 
				a troubled one. Papua was forced into the Republic of Indonesia 
				under controversial circumstances, and subsequent human rights 
				abuses and heavy exploitation of resources served to keep alive 
				demands for autonomy and independence‚ demands that became 
				highly evident once Soeharto's authoritarian regime came to an 
				end in May 1998. Many Papuan leaders and activists have 
				characterized their plight as being a colonial possession of the 
				government in Jakarta, and this gives rise to a discussion of 
				"internal colonialism". However since reformasi (political 
				reform) in Indonesia occurred, Papua has been given far more 
				control over its own destiny. Regional autonomy delivered a 
				great deal of power to Papua, including retention of much of the 
				revenue earned in the province. In the sense that Papuan 
				authorities now control much of their own affairs, it could be 
				argued that Papua has moved beyond "internal colonialism" ‚ or 
				at least is no longer under the tight political control of 
				Jakarta. However, not all vestiges of the Soeharto era are in 
				the past. Since August 2000 an alarming crackdown by security 
				forces has seen human rights violations against pro-independence 
				activists, including the death of Presidium leader Theys Eluay 
				in November 2001 at the hands of Special Forces soldiers. The 
				problem of ongoing human rights abuses mean that charges of 
				"internal colonialism" are still quite widespread within Papua, 
				and continues to undermine the internal legitimacy of Jakarta's 
				rule in the province. 
				 
				 
				
					
				Human Development and the Urban Informal Sector in Bandung, 
				Indonesia 
				EDI SUHARTO (BANDUNG SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WELFARE), pp. 115 - 33 
				 
				This paper deals with identifying the relationships between the 
				urban informal sector and poverty. The focus is on street 
				traders in Bandung, Indonesia, and the use of social and 
				economic indicators to examine the urban informal sector. The 
				findings show that although the street traders are not the 
				poorest in society, they are still living in deprivation and 
				vulnerability, especially when measured by their economic 
				capital. When judged against the standard Indonesian poverty 
				line, it was found that some street trader incomes were able to 
				rise above it and, on average, street trading provided a 
				favourable source of income compared to other alternatives for 
				the poor, such as unskilled manual labour. Nevertheless, taking 
				a broader approach, the multiplication of poverty line, it was 
				highlighted that 80 percent of the street traders interviewed 
				could still be categorised as being poor and vulnerable. Perhaps 
				more encouraging however, was the finding that, using other 
				human development indexes, such as human and social capital, the 
				street trader households surveyed mostly had adequate basic 
				education, and access to health services and housing facilities, 
				although their opportunities to participate in social activities 
				seemed to be limited.  
				 
				 
				
				A 
				Resilient Monarchy: The Sultanate of Brunei and Regime 
				Legitimacy in an Era of Democratic Nation-States 
				NAIMAH TALIB 
				(UNIVERSITY OF CANTERBURY), pp. 134 - 47 
				 
				Since gaining independence in 1984, the oil-rich Sultanate of 
				Brunei has demonstrated its ability to maintain stability and 
				internal cohesion within a semi-traditional political framework, 
				despite demands for political participation and the problems 
				associated with economic modernization. This paper examines the 
				challenges faced by Brunei since independence. It also considers 
				the various sources of legitimacy that are available to a 
				monarchy determined to maintain its hold on political power. It 
				assesses the role of ideology and religion as instruments of 
				legitimacy and the extent to which they are used as bases for 
				political action. 
				 
				 
				Graduate Research Essay 
				 
				
					
				Democratic Discourses in Indonesia, Thailand, and the 
				Philippines 
				CHé CHARTERIS (UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO), pp. 148 - 76 
				 
				Discourses on democracy are characterised by extreme 
				fragmentation. Whilst examining three case study countries, 
				namely Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines, this study 
				highlights this diversity with respect to the democratic 
				discourses of governments and non-government organisations 
				(NGOs). Initially, through a review of academic literature, it 
				becomes clear that the debate over whether or not democracy is a 
				culturally bound ideology is a key point of difference. Around 
				this debate there have emerged three definable discourses on 
				democracy, namely liberal discourses, cultural relativist 
				discourses, and syncretic/popular discourses. In all three case 
				study countries, these discourses were found to be competing. 
				Whereas the Indonesian, Thai, and Filipino governments and 
				international NGOs mobilised liberal discourses on democracy, 
				there was more discursive diversity apparent amongst regional 
				and local NGOs. These findings have important implications in 
				that the culturally relative and syncretic/popular discourses 
				mobilised by some local and regional NGOs can be argued to be 
				forms of resistance to Western-founded liberalism. 
				 
				 
				Short Story 
				 
				
					Seno 
				Gumira Ajidarma: Conscience of The People 
				PAM ALLEN (UNIVERSITY OF TASMANIA), pp. 177 - 82 
				 
				 
				Review Article 
				 
				
					
				Review Article - Suharto: Father of Development? 
				R.E. Elson, Suharto A Political Biography 
				NICHOLAS TARLING (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND), pp. 183 - 92 
				 
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